{{Cleanup|date=October 2007}} The study of race and intelligence is the controversial study of how human intellectual capacities may vary among the different population groups commonly known as races. This study seeks to identify and explain the differences in manifestations of intelligence (e.g. IQ testing results), as well as the underlying causes of such variance.

Theories about the possibility of a relationship between race and intelligence have been the subject of speculation and debate since the 16th century.[1][2] The contemporary debate focuses on the nature, causes, and importance, or lack of importance, of ethnic differences in intelligence test scores and other measures of cognitive ability, and whether "race" is a meaningful biological construct with significance other than its correlation to membership of particular ethnic groups. Thus, the question of the relative roles of nature and nurture in causing individual and group differences in cognitive ability is seen as fundamental to understanding the debate.[3]

The modern controversy surrounding intelligence and race focuses on the results of IQ studies conducted during the second half of the 20th century in the United States, Western Europe, and other industrialized nations.[4]

Background information

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Much of the research on intelligence currently cited is based on IQ testing in the United States. Modern theories and research on race and intelligence are often grounded in two controversial assumptions:

While the g-based factor hierarchy is the most widely accepted current view of the structure of abilities, some theorists regard it as misleading.[5] Moreover, a wide range of human abilities-including many that seem to have intellectual components are outside the domain of standard psychometric tests.[6] Certain environmental factors, such as nutrition, are thought to moderate IQ in children, and other influences have been hypothesized, including education level, richness of the early home environment, the existence of caste-like minorities, socio-economic factors, culture, the effort gap, pidgin language barriers, quality of education, health, racism, lack of positive role-models, exposure to violence, the Flynn effect, sociobiological differences and stereotype threat. One focus of the scientific debate is whether group IQ differences also reflect a genetic component. Hereditarianism hypothesizes that a genetic contribution to intelligence could include genes linked to neuron structure or function, brain size or metabolism, or other physiological differences that could vary with biogeographic ancestry. There is also significant debate about exactly how environmental factors play their role in creating the gap and the interrelationships between these factors. Some researchers focus their attention on intervention techniques to close the gap.

Robert Sternberg writes that race intelligence research that focuses on a genetic cause for the gap is attempting to show that one group is inferior to another group.[7] The conclusions of some researchers: that racial groups in the US vary in average IQ scores, and the hypothesis that a genetic component may be involved, have led to heated academic debates that have spilled over into the public sphere.

Observations about race and intelligence also have important applications for critics of the media portrayal of different races. Stereotypes in media such as books, music, film, and television can reinforce old racist ideas and may influence the perceived opportunities for success in academics for minority students.[8][9]

History

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In the 19th and early 20th centuries research on race and intelligence was often used to argue that one race was superior to another, justifying poor outcomes and treatment for the "inferior race".[10] Some early opinions about the differences among races grew out of stereotypes about non-whites developed during the period of colonialism and slavery.[11][12][13][14]

Francisco Gil-White, author of Resurrecting Racism: The Modern Attack on Black People Using Phony Science and Stephen Jay Gould author of The Mismeasure of Man have suggested that some modern research has similar motives.

Slavery and colonialism

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Sir Francis Galton wrote on eugenics and psychometrics in the 19th C.
 
Anthropologist Franz Boas was a prominent 20th C. critic of claims that intelligence differed among races.
 
Ruth Benedict was an anthropologist who challenged the idea that people of different races had different inherent intelligences.

Because the Atlantic slave trade raised moral questions from its inception, scientific theories about the mental capacities of Black people were provided to justify the enslavement of Africans. According to Alexander Thomas and Samuell Sillen, during this time period the Black man was described as uniquely fitted for bondage because of what researchers at the time called "his primitive psychological organization."[15] Hence, a well-known physician of the antebellum South, Samuel Cartwright of Louisiana, had a psychiatric explanation for runaway slaves. He diagnosed their attempts to gain freedom as a mental illness and coined the term "drapetomania" to describe it.[16]

Scientific arguments about the mental inferiority of Black people were instrumental in keeping slavery alive as an institution in the United States. It was widely regarded that Black people lacked the mental capacity to handle freedom. Secretary of State John C. Calhoun arguing for the extension of slavery in 1844 said, "Here (scientific confirmation) is proof of the necessity of slavery. The African is incapable of self-care and sinks into lunacy under the burden of freedom. It is a mercy to give him the guardianship and protection from mental death."

The writings of Sir Francis Galton, a British psychologist, spurred interest in the study of mental abilities, particularly as they relate to heredity and eugenics.[17] Galton estimated from his field observations in Africa that the African people were "two grades" below Anglo-Saxons' position in the normal frequency distribution of general mental ability. His work was seen as scientific validation of Africans' mental inferiority compared with Anglo-Saxons.[18]

Immigration and segregation

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In the 19th and 20th centuries research on race and intelligence has still been used to argue that one race is superior to another, justifying poor outcomes and treatment for the "inferior race".[19] Researchers such as Amanda Thompson and Elazar Barkan have suggested that "Scientific racism" has been used to perpetuate the idea of the intellectual inferiority of African Americans and that it was used to justify segregated education in America.

The scientific debate on the contribution of nature versus nurture to individual and group differences in intelligence can be traced to at least the mid-19th century.[20] Charles Darwin wrote in his Descent of Man (VII, On the races of Man): "Their mental characteristics are likewise very distinct; chiefly as it would appear in their emotional, but partly in their intellectual faculties."

Lewis Terman wrote in The measurement of intelligence in 1916

"(Black and other ethnic minority children) are uneducable beyond the nearest rudiments of training. No amount of school instruction will ever make them intelligent voters or capable citizens in the sense of the world…their dullness seems to be racial, or at least inherent in the family stock from which they come…Children of this group should be segregated in special classes and be given instruction which is concrete and practical. They cannot master abstractions, but they can be made efficient workers…There is no possibility at present of convincing society that they should not be allowed to reproduce, although from a eugenic point of view they constitute a grave problem because of their unusual prolific breeding."

The opinion that there are differences in the brain sizes and brain structures of different racial and ethnic groups was widely held and studied during the 19th century and early 20th century.[21] Average ethnic and racial group differences in IQ were first directly observed when analyzing the data from standardized mental tests administered on large scales during World War I. For example, in this test "Southern Whites", scored below "Northern Negroes."[22] These results inspired the first theories of environmental influences on intelligence. An early advocate of these ideas was Ruth Benedict, who in her book, The Races of Mankind challenged the idea that people of different races had different inherent intelligences.

The difference arose because of differences of income, education, cultural advantages, and other opportunities. --Ruth Benedict

Foremost amongst those researching this was Stanley Porteus, who although not a staff member, gave some lectures at the University of Melbourne, devised his maze test as early as 1913, later applying it in his study of the Aborigines in the Kimberley region and Northern Territory of Australia (1929) and later the Kalahari tribesmen of southern Africa (1934). He also used it to assess the results of pre-frontal brain surgery on mental performance, publishing his results in 1931.[23]

W.O. Brown, writing in The Journal of Negro History in 1931, wrote regarding early intelligence tests:

After the World War and during the severe agitation for the restriction of immigration, aimed especially at the Southeastern Europeans, tests came into a new usage. ..the tests revealed the inferior intelligence of various racial and nationality groups. ..The Southeastern Europeans and the Negroes especially came of badly in these tests. ..The results of the tests elevated their dogma of racial inequality from a mere prejudice to the dignity of a scientifically validated opinion.[24]

Dorthy Roberts writes that the history of the eugenics movement in America was strongly tied to the older scientific racism used to justify slavery. Roberts writes that paralleling the development of eugenic theory was the acceptance of intelligence as the primary indicator of human value. Eugenicists claimed that the IQ test could quantify innate human ability in a single measurement, despite the objections of the creator of the test, Alfred Binet.[25] Beginning in the 1930s, race difference research and hereditarianism — the belief that genetics are the primary cause of differences in intelligence among human groups — began to fall out of favor in psychology and anthropology after major internal debates.[26] In anthropology this occurred in part due to the advocacy of Franz Boas, who in his 1938 edition of The Mind of Primitive Man wrote, "there is nothing at all that could be interpreted as suggesting any material difference in the mental capacity of the bulk of the Negro population as compared with the bulk of the White population."[27] The hereditarian position was challenged by Boas' claim that cranial vault size had increased significantly in the U.S. from one generation to the next, because racial differences in such characteristics had been among the strongest arguments for a genetic role.

Inspired by the American eugenics movement, Nazi Germany implemented the T-4 Euthanasia Program in which roughly 200,000 mentally and physically disabled Germans were killed, and about 400,000 sterilized. The association of hereditarianism with Nazi Germany created a modern academic environment that has been very skeptical of suggestions that there are racial or ethnic differences in measures of intellectual or academic ability and that these differences are primarily determined by genetic factors.[28]

Modern work

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File:Charles Murray.gif
Charles Murray (pictured) and Richard Herrnstein started the contemporary debate with The Bell Curve in 1994.

The contemporary scholarly debate on race and intelligence may be traced to Arthur Jensen's 1969 publication in the Harvard Educational Review of "How Much Can We Boost IQ and School Achievement?"[29] In this paper, he wrote on some of the major issues that characterize the genetic hypothesis[30] of racial IQ differences, and on compensatory educational programs. Reports on Jensen's article appeared in Time, Newsweek, Life, U.S. News & World Report, and The New York Times Magazine.

In the 1980s Nobel Prize winner for his work on the development of transistors, William Shockley, postulated that the higher rate of reproduction among US African Americans was having what he termed a "dysgenic" effect (meaning an opposite of eugenics), ; especially as influenced by welfare subsidies (e.g., AFDC), which he opined, unintentionally encouraged childbearing by less productive mothers.[31] He described this work as the most important work of his career, even though it severely tarnished his reputation. Shockley's published writings on this topic, were largely based on the research of Cyril Burt. Shockley also proposed that individuals with IQs below 100 be paid to undergo voluntary sterilization.[32] He was subsequently criticized by the media; however his involvement brought public recognition to several controversial topics.[33]

Press attention returned to the issue of race and intelligence in 1994 with the publication of The Bell Curve, which included two chapters on the subject of racial difference in intelligence and related life outcomes. In response to The Bell Curve, Stephen Jay Gould updated The Mismeasure of Man in 1996.[34] Among other things, he criticized the IQ test as a measure of intelligence, citing what he perceived as inherent racial and social biases as well as systematic flaws in the testing process.

Luigi Luca Cavalli-Sforza has sought to fight racism. On several occasions he publicly debated Arthur Jensen and William Shockley arguing that environmental factors could explain the black-white IQ gap.[35]

Scientific racism

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Many studies that purport to be both science-based and attempt to influence public policy have been criticized for scientific racism; the most recent examples of are those of Charles Murray and the late Richard Herrnstein. Melvin Konner, in his book Tangled Wing: Biological Constraints on the Human Spirit Konner accused Murray and Hernstein of trying to make public policy based on speculations about race. He wrote that Rushton's application of a theory drawn from evolutionary biology to the difference between races had no academic legitimacy.[36][37]

In the official statements of position endorsed by the American Sociological Association and the American Anthropological Association,[38] as reported in The New York Times,[39] "A view widespread among many social scientists is that race is not a valid biological concept. However, biologists, particularly the population geneticists who study genetic variation, have found that there is a race structure in the human population; a family tree showing separate branches for Africans, Caucasians (Europe, the Middle East, and the Indian subcontinent), East Asians, Pacific Islanders, and American Indians."[39]

Race

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Race as biology

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Some geneticists argue race is neither a meaningful concept nor a useful heuristic device,[40] and even that genetic differences among groups are biologically meaningless,[41] on the basis that more genetic variation exists within races than among them,[42] and that racial traits overlap without discrete boundaries.[43] Lewontin, for example argues that there is no biological basis for race on the basis of research indicating that more genetic variation exists within such races than between them. Lewontin 1972

Some critics of race may not consider this a problem for race and intelligence inquiries. Jared Diamond, who praises Cavalli-Sforza's genetics research over the decades for "demolishing scientists' attempts to classify human populations into races in the same way that they classify birds and other species into races"(Diamond 2000), also argues that if such relations exist then "in mental ability New Guineans are probably genetically superior to Westerners" due to that intelligence was likely selected for in hunter-gatherer New Guinea societies where the challenges were tribal warfare and food procurement, compared with high population density European civilizations where the major survival pressure was on genes for resisting epidemics [44] Other geneticists, in contrast, argue that categories of self-identified race/ethnicity or biogeographic ancestry are both valid and useful,[45] that these categories correspond with clusters inferred from multilocus genetic data,[46] and that this correspondence implies that genetic factors might contribute to unexplained phenotypic variation between groups.[47]

A survey taken in 1985, asked 1,200 scientists how many disagree with the following proposition: "There are biological races in the species Homo sapiens." The responses were: biologists 16%, developmental psychologists 36%, physical anthropologists 41%, cultural anthropologists 53%.[48] A survey of cultural and physical anthropologists done in 1999[49] found that the concept of race was rejected by 69% of physical anthropologists and 80% of cultural anthropologists.

Race as a social construct

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Robert J. Sternberg, Elena L. Grigorenko, and Kenneth K. Kidd write that the overwhelming portion of the literature on intelligence, race, and genetics is based on folk taxonomies rather than scientific analysis. Race, they write, fits into no known genetic pattern. Race is a socially constructed concept, not a biological one. This concept of race serves a social rather than a biological purpose. Different types of parentage have, at various times and places, given rise to racial labeling (e.g., “Aryan race,” “German race,” and “Jewish race”). Hence race is a highly inconsistent concept. In contemporary North American society, Blacks and coloreds are considered to be one “race,” since any individual who possess any degree of nonwhiteness is automatically grouped in the Black category.[50] (see: One drop rule) In other countries different racial groupings are often employed. In Beyond the Bell Curve: Toward a Model of Talent and Character Development Serge Madhere critiques hereditarian assumptions about ability, biology, and ecology. He argues that the measures of ability assessed on IQ tests are essentially measures of literacy, which is largely a socially constructed outcome. This proposition is validated using data from a large national sample of students and hierarchical regression techniques.[51]

Intelligence

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Comparisons of the intelligences of people of different races have often been based on IQ tests. The nature of intelligence and whether or not it can be captured in a single number is a matter of debate.

All such tests are often called "intelligence tests," though the use of the term "intelligence" is itself controversial. A low but significant correlation was found in tests administered to two groups of kindergarten children in a study reported in 1991[52][53] School grades are the better predicator of later academic success than IQ and the relations may be lower for specific populations. In a sample of 127 students enrolled in a private day school located in a large metropolitan area, the correlations ranged from .11 to .22 with the median of .18.[54]

"Many of the most widely used tests are not intended to measure intelligence itself but some closely related construct: scholastic aptitude, school achievement, specific abilities... . Scores on intelligence-related tests matter, and the stakes can be high," according to the task force appointed by the Board of Scientific Affairs of the American Psychological Association. Such tests are argued to be good measures of the psychometric variable g (for general intelligence factor). While some psychologists regard g as the fundamental measure of intelligence, others emphasize the strengths and weaknesses present in each person's performance on different aspects of the tests.[55]

Although the correlation is fair in some academic areas, the correlation between IQ tests and many real-world results is inconsistent. For example, the hereditary transmission of wealth via IQ is near zero. Some psychologists question the validity of IQ testing and say that aspects of intelligence is not reflected in IQ tests. Criticisms of the validity of IQ testing focuses on questions of test bias. Several conclusions about tests of cognitive ability are now largely accepted by intelligence researchers:[56]

  • IQ scores measure many, but not all of the qualities that people mean by intelligent or smart. (For example, IQ does not measure creativity, wisdom, or personality.)
  • Especially in developing nations, there are many factors that may adversely affect IQ. See Health and intelligence.

Sternberg writes that conventional tests of intelligence can be useful, but only if they are carefully interpreted, taking into account factors such as cross-cultural issues.

Multiple intelligences

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Psychologist Howard Gardner says there are multiple forms of intelligence, which he calls multiple intelligences not often captured by the usual IQ tests. Multiple Intelligences can include the following: linguistic; logical-mathematical; spatial; bodily-kinesthetic; musical; naturalistic; interpersonal and intrapersonal. This raises the possibility that it may not be possible to construct a single meaningful ordering on intelligence.

Another theory is the Triarchic theory of intelligence which was formulated by Robert J. Sternberg. According to this theory the three components of intelligence are analytic intelligence, creative intelligence, and practical intelligence. According to Sternberg, only analytic intelligence is measured by standardized IQ tests.

Environment

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Steve Sailer has stated that,

"a bad environment can hurt IQ and can be seen in the IQ scores for sub-Saharan African countries. They average only around 70. In contrast, African-Americans average about 85. It appears unlikely that African-Americans’ white admixture can account for most of this 15-point gap because they are only around 17%-18% white on average, according to the latest genetic research. (Thus African-Americans white genes probably couldn't account for more than 3 points of the gap between African-Americans and Africans.) This suggests that the harshness of life in Africa might be cutting ten points or more off African IQ scores."[6]

Research

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Test data

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The gaps found between the average intelligences of races or ethnicities varies depending on methods used for racial grouping, the method and setting used to test intelligence,[57] the health and economic situation of the test takers, the interplay between the culture of the person taking the test and the culture of those who made the test, and the period in history when the test was performed.

Depending on the way intelligence is measured a variety of gaps may be found between different racial and ethnic groups. Some groups that perform well on one task may do poorly on others. For example, Moroccan and North American individuals were asked in a study by Richard K. Wagner to remember patterns of Oriental rugs and pictures of everyday objects, such as a rooster and a fish. Moroccans, who have long experience in the rug trade, seemed to remember rug patterns better than the North American individuals.[58] Likewise, in 1979 Robert Serpell had Zambian and English children perform a number of tasks. He found that English children did better on a drawing task, but that Zambian children did better on a wire-shaping task.[59]

Attempted world-wide compilations by Herrnstein and Murray, authors of The Bell Curve, Richard Lynn and Rushton of average IQ by race generally place Ashkenazi Jews and East Asians at the top, followed by Whites, Arabs and Native Americans, sub-Saharan Africans and Australian Aboriginals.[60][61] [62]

The IQ scores vary greatly among different nations for the same group. Blacks in Africa score much lower than Blacks in the US. However contrary to indications from the IQ and the Wealth of Nations study, the majority of blacks enrolled in Ivy League Universities in the US are either from Africa or the Caribbean. The chairperson of the sociology department at Harvard University stated: "Since they come from majority-black countries, they are less psychologically handicapped by the stigma of race." This is seen as evidence that racial prejudice combined with the status of being a minority that has been excluded from society does have a significant effect on academic achievement.[63][64] However, according to the African-American economist Thomas Sowell racism and the legacy of slavery do not stand up under scrutiny of historical facts as explanations to the IQ disparity between Blacks and Whites. He argues that "redneck" black culture is the reason for the low IQ and poor academic performance of black Americans.[65] Gaps are seen in other tests of cognitive ability or aptitude, including university admission exams such as the SAT and GRE as well as employment tests for corporate settings and the military (Roth et al. 2001).

Another researcher Philippe Rushton found African university students averaged an IQ of 84. In some studies, by other researchers, they have scored lower (IQ = 77). In still others of our studies, highly-selected engineering students who took math and science courses in high school scored higher (IQ = 103). Rushton also points out that immigrants regardless of race outperform native populations and adds that in theory Africans would revert back to their normal IQ in future generations if kept in the harsh African environment and cultural setting.[66]

Facial recognition ability has also shown differences by race.[67] Richard Ferraro writes that facial recognition is an example of a neuropsychological measure that can be used to assess cognitive abilities that are salient within African-American culture.[68] In the US Blacks' performance is significantly better than that of whites', and blacks are better at recognizing faces of whites than whites are at recognizing blacks.[69] A 1991 study found that white subjects performed significantly more poorly on trials involving African American faces than on trials involving White faces, whereas no such difference was obtained among African American subjects.[70] One possibility is that expertise in perceiving faces of particular races is associated with increased ability to extract information about the spatial relationships between different features[71]. Further research using perceptual tasks could shed light on the specific cognitive processes involved in the other-race effect. [70]

Explanations

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Min-Hsiung Huang and Robert M. Hauser found that, controlling for social background, the Black-White test score gap narrowed significantly over the period from 1974 to 1998. For Whites, however, improvement in social background across time does not raise test scores correspondingly.[72]
 
The height of this "ordinary genetically varied corn" is 100% heritable, but the difference between the groups is totally environmental.[73]


The consensus among intelligence researchers is that IQ differences between individuals of the same race reflects functionally and socially significant differences in the intelligence.[74][75][76][77][78][79] There is still substantial debate about the influence of various environmental factors on IQ test score differences between races and ethnic groups in a given country, and whether or not genetics may also play a role.

Test bias

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While the existence of average IQ test score differences has been a matter of accepted fact for decades, a great deal of controversy exists among scholars over the question of whether these score differences reflected real differences in cognitive ability. Some claim that there is no evidence for test bias since IQ tests are equally good predictors of IQ-related factors (such as school performance) for U.S. Blacks and Whites.[80] The performance differences persist in tests and testing situations in which care has been taken to eliminate bias.[80] It has also been suggested that IQ tests are formulated in such a way as to disadvantage minorities.[80] Controlled studies have shown that test construction does not substantially contribute to the IQ gap.[80] Still, a 2007 study at Case Western Reserve University found that cultural differences in the provision of information account for racial differences in IQ. The study also found that test problems, similar to some problems found on conventional IQ tests, were only solvable on the basis of specific previous knowledge. Such specific knowledge based questions showed evidence of test bias since the performance on non-specific knowledge based questions did not always correlate with the performance on the knowledge based question.[81] Arguing that IQ tests are often wrongly described as measuring "innate" rather than developed ability, Jencks and Phillips 1998 write that this "labeling bias" causes people to inappropriately attribute the Black-White gap to "innate" differences.[82] They argue that non-cultural environmental factors cause gaps measured by the tests, rather than innate difference based on genetics, and that to use these tests as a measure of innate difference is misleading and improper.[83]

Increases in IQ scores over time

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William T. Dickens and James R. Flynn write that blacks have gained 5 or 6 IQ points on non-Hispanic whites between 1972 and 2002. This graph shows the gains for various tests.[84]

The secular, international increase in test scores, commonly called the Flynn effect, is seen by Flynn and others as reason to expect the eventual convergence of average black and white IQ scores. Flynn argues that the average IQ scores in several countries have increased about 3 points per decade during the 20th century, which he and others attribute predominantly to environmental causes.[85] This means, given the same test, the mean black American performance today could be higher than the mean white American performance in 1920, though the gains causing this appear to have occurred predominantly in the lower half of the IQ distribution.[86] If changes in environment can cause changes in IQ over time, they argue, then contemporary differences between groups could also be due to an unknown environmental factor. On the supposition that the effect started earlier for whites, because their social and economical conditions began to improve earlier than did those of blacks, they anticipate that the IQ gap among races might change in the future or is even now changing. An added complication to this hypothesis is the question of whether the secular IQ gains can be predominantly a real change in cognitive ability. Flynn's face-value answer to this question is "No",[87] and other researchers have found reason to concur. Wicherts et al. 2004 wrote that "the gains cannot be explained solely by increases at the level of the latent variables (common factors), which IQ tests purport to measure".

Racism and discrimination

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Researchers such as Jack Demaine find racial categorizations problematic in educational settings.[88] Racial categorizations, Jack Demaine writes, may have adverse impacts on the education of minorities. Similarly, Alastair Bonnett, Bruce Carrington state:

The collection of ethnic and racial statistics has become common in a growing number of institutional settings. Yet contemporary approaches to race and ethnicity suggest that the very process of compelling people to assign themselves to one of a small number of racial or ethnic 'boxes' is, at best, essentialist and, at worst, racist.[89]

Stereotype threat
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An experiment on college students in 1995 showed the impact of Stereotype threat by asking students to fill out a form before taking the test indicating their race. The scores in this graph have been adjusted by SAT.[90]

Stereotype threat is the fear that one's behavior will confirm an existing stereotype of a group with which one identifies. This fear may in turn lead to an impairment of performance (Aronson, Wilson, & Akert, 2005). Stereotype threat has been documented by the social psychologists Claude Steele, Joshua Aronson, Irwin Katz, and Steven Spencer, who have conducted several studies on this topic.

"When capable black college students fail to perform as well as their white counterparts, the explanation often has less to do with preparation or ability than with the threat of stereotypes about their capacity to succeed."
- Claude M. Steele, The Atlantic Monthly, August 1999
Thin Ice: Stereotype Threat and Black College Students

Steele and Aronson write that making race salient when taking a test of cognitive ability negatively affected high-ability African American students.[91] Steele writes that the stigma of being African American is still relevant, as it has an effect on the educational outcomes of African Americans. Stereotypes such as: Asian-Americans excelling in mathematics or African-Americans always testing poorly can be extremely harmful. Stereotype threats can seriously alter academic achievement and motivation.[92]

In a paper prepared for an APA convention, Steele writes: "Thus the predicament of 'stereotype vulnerability': The group members then know that anything about them or anything they do that fits the stereotype can be taken as confirming it as self-characteristic, in the eyes of others, and perhaps even in their own eyes. This vulnerability amounts to a jeopardy of double devaluation: once for whatever bad thing the stereotype-fitting behavior or feature would say about anyone, and again for its confirmation of the bad things alleged in the stereotype."

Steele and Aronson are not first to test stereotype threat. During the 1960s Irwin Katz, psychologist, suggested that stereotype threat could also influence performance on IQ tests. Katz found that Blacks were able to score better an IQ subtest if the test was presented as a test of eye-hand coordination. Blacks also scored higher on an IQ test when they believe the test will be compared to that of other blacks.[93] Katz concluded that his subjects were thoroughly aware of the judgment of intellectual inferiority held by many white Americans. With little expectation of overruling this judgment, their motivation was low, and so were their scores.[94] Paul Sackett, a psychologist agrees that stereotype threat is a real phenomenon and that it is is a potentially important contributor to the racial achievement gap. He cautions however, that these findings may be widely misinterpreted to mean that eliminating stereotype threat eliminates the entire Black-White performance gap, and encourages researchers to continue their study of this and other phenomena. [95]

Physiological responses to racism
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Stereotype threat can result in physiological responses that can be measured objectively. For example, a study by Blascovich J, Spencer SJ, Quinn D and Steele C. reported that African Americans under stereotype threat exhibited larger increases in arterial blood pressure during an academic test, and performed more poorly on difficult test items. Some researchers feel this may explain the higher death rates from hypertension related disorders among African Americans.[96] A study by Toni Schmader and Michael Johns reported that stereotype threat can effectively reduce working memory capacity, another factor in poor test performance.[97] Stereotype threat may undermine intellectual performance by triggering a disruptive mental load. Jean-Claude Croizet, Gérard Després, Marie-Eve Gauzins, Pascal Huguet, Jacques-Philippe Leyens and Alain Méot reported increased heart rates for test subjects operating under stereotype threat.[98]

Quality of education
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Some researches have written that studies that find test performance gaps between races even after adjusting for education level, such as the analysis found in The Bell Curve, fail to adjust for the quality of education. Not all high school graduates or college graduates have received the same quality of education. A 2006 study reported that that years of education is an inadequate measure of the educational experience among multicultural elders, and that adjusting for quality of education greatly reduced the overall effect of racial differences on the tests.[99] A 2004 study reported that quality of education and cultural experience influence how older African Americans approach neuropsychological tasks and concluded that adjustment for these variables may improve specificity of neuropsychological measures.[100] Yet another study reported that, although significant differences were observed between the ethnic groups when matched for years of education, equating for literacy level eliminated all performance differences between African Americans and Whites on both cancellation tasks which assess visual scanning.[101](Like reaction time tests cancellation task tests are sometimes regarded as "culture free" tests of intelligence.) Eric A. Hanushek and Steven G. Rivkin wrote in their 2006 book that unequal distributions of inexperienced teachers and of racial concentrations in schools can explain all of the increased achievement gap between grades 3 and 8.[102]

A 2004 study in South Africa found highly significant effects for both level and quality of education within the black African first language groups taking the Wechsler IQ tests. Scores black African first language groups with advantaged education were comparable with the US standardization, whereas scores for black African first language participants with disadvantaged education were significantly lower than this. The study cautioned that faulty conclusions may be drawn about the effects of ethnicity and the potential for neuropsychological misdiagnosis.[103]

Racial discrimination in education
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Roslyn Arlin Mickelson writes that racial discrimination in education arises from actions of institutions or individual state actors, their attitudes and ideologies, or processes that systematically treat students from different racial/ethnic groups disparately or inequitably.[104] Despite advancement in education reform efforts, to this day African American students continue to experience inequities within the educational system. Hala Elhoweris , Kagendo Mutua, Negmeldin Alsheikh and Pauline Holloway conducted a study of the effect of students' ethnicity on teachers' educational decision making. The results of this study indicated that the student's ethnicity did make a difference in the teachers' referral decisions for gifted and talented educational programs.[105]Recently, a number of scholars have examined the issue of disproportionate representation of minority students in special education programs [106][107]

Teachers' perceptions of a students cultural background may effect school achievement. African American students with African American cultural backgrounds, for example, have been found to benefit from culturally responsive teaching.[108] In a 2003 study researchers found that teachers perceived students with African American culture-related movement styles as lower in achievement, higher in aggression, and more likely to need special education services than students with standard movement styles irrespective of race or other academic indicators. [109]

Ellis Cose writes that low expectations may have a negative impact on the achievement of minorities. He writes that black people did not need to read The Bell Curve to be aware of the low expectations held for them by the majority culture. He recalls examples of low expectations from his teachers in school who regarded his use of AAVE as "laziness" and teachers who did not feel it was important to purchase new text books because they did not expect the students to be able to read anything complex. He contrasts these low expectations with the high expectations philosophy of Xavier University where, using the ideas Whimbey articulated in his book Intelligence can be Taught teachers created a program called SOAR. SOAR raised the performance of black students and lead Xavier to become the university that sends the greatest number of black students to medical school in the United States. The SOAR program produced gains equivalent to 120 points on an SAT test. Cose writes that "..we must treat people, whatever their color, as if they have unlimited intellectual capacity."[110]

Caste

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This table illustrates how social status or caste position is related to test scores and school success in nations around the world. Source: Inequality by Design: Cracking the Bell Curve Myth by Claude S. Fischer, Michael Hout, Martín Sánchez Jankowski, Samuel R. Lucas, Ann Swidler, and Kim Vos[111]

Group Differences Around the World
  Status or Caste Position Test Scores, School Success
Country High Low High Low
United States[112] Whites Blacks Whites Blacks
  Whites Latinos Whites Latinos
  Whites American Indians[113] Whites American Indians
Great Britain[114] Great Britain Irish, Scottish English Irish, Scottish
Northern Ireland[115] Protestants Catholics Protestants Catholics
Australia[116] Whites Aborigines Whites Aborigines
New Zealand[117] Whites Maoris Whites Maoris
South Africa[118] English Afrikaaners English Afrikaaners
Belgium[119] French Flemish French Flemish
Israel[120] Jews Arabs Jews Arabs
  Western Jews Eastern Jews Western Jews Eastern Jews
India[121] Nontribals Tribal people Nontribals Tribal people
  Brahmin Harijan Brahmin Harijan
  High caste Low caste High caste Low caste
Czechoslovakia[122] Slovaks Gypsies Slovaks Gypsies
Japan[123] Non-Burakumin Burakumin Non-Burakumin Burakumin
  Japanese Origin Korean Origin Japanese Origin Korean Origin
South Korea[124] Koreans Southeast Asians Koreans Southeast Asians

These results, just like the inferior test scores of Eastern and Southern Europeans immigrants in the United States 75 years ago, may represent a social division that leads to the gaps in test scores, rather than a pre-established and "natural" hierarchy of "races." In other words, these divisions, are closely aligned with local "social constructs" of race, the outcomes for ethnic groups are, in the opinion of these authors, a result of the social structure rather than confirmation of its validity.[111]

Health

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Regarding the IQ gaps in the U.S., numerous explanations beside genetics have been proposed. Joel Wiesen lists more than a hundred.[125] Increased rates of low birth weight babies and lower rates of breastfeeding in Blacks as compared to Whites are some factors of many that have been proposed to affect the IQ gap. The Flynn effect is often cited as evidence that average IQ scores have changed greatly and rapidly, for reasons poorly understood, noting that average IQ in the US may have been below 75 before the start of this effect, and thus some argue that the IQ gap between races could change in the future or is changing, especially if the effect started earlier for Whites.

Genetics

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See also The genome and intelligence

A few of the notable proponents of the partly genetic hypothesis are Raymond B. Cattell, Arthur Jensen and Hans Eysenck.

Rushton and Jensen examined 10 categories of research evidence from around the world to contrast "a hereditarian model" (50% genetic-50% cultural) and a culture-only model (0% genetic-100% cultural). In the article "Thirty Years of Research on Race Differences in Cognitive Ability" published in the APA journal Psychology, Public Policy and Law they cite the following evidence to support the hereditarian model:[126][127]

Some scholars have proposed that in order to make a racial hypothesis about intelligence the genes for intelligence need to be identified along with their frequencies in the various populations. However recent studies attempting to find regions in the genome relating to intelligence have had little success. A recent study used several hundred people in two groups, one with a very high IQ, average 160, and a control group with an average IQ of 102. By the fifth step the study could not find a single gene that was related to intelligence. Critics of these studies say the failure to find a specific gene associated with intelligence is indicative of the complex nature of intelligence. They contend that intelligence is probably under the influence of several genes. Some estimate that as much as 40% of the genome may contribute to intelligence.[128]

Recently scientists at the University of Chicago identified two genes, microcephalin and ASPM. Mutations in these genes are associated with brain size abnormality, microcephaly. The normal variants are found at high frequencies in Asian and European populations but they are not found among Sub-Saharan Africans. The scientists stated that microcephalin may have arisen some 37,000 years ago coinciding with upper paleolithic transitions in Europe. They also stated that a variant of APSM arose about 5,800 years ago roughly correlating with the development of written language, spread of agriculture and development of cities. They thus believe these two genes conferred some cognitive abilities upon Asians and Europeans. [129]

Other scholars have criticized the University of Chicago scientists because they made claims about these genes without undertaking any direct experimentation to test their hypothesis on increased intelligence and brain size. Subsequently when these experiments were done, no relationship was found between these genes and intelligence or brain size. [130][131] Critics of these studies also say that as long as social and environmental disparities between the races exist it will be impossible to scientifically test whether there are any genetic differences in IQ between the various populations. They propose that if the historical effects of poverty and social bigotry were eliminated and differences in IQ between the races still persisted then there might be some utility in such research.[132]

Theories on the intelligence of Ashkenazi Jews

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A link between disease mutations specific to the Ashkenazi Jews and high IQ scores has been suggested by scientists at the University of Utah, who cite evidence that sphingolipid disorders promote the growth and interconnection of brain cells and that mutations in the DNA repair genes, involved in some Ashkenazic diseases, may also unleash growth of neurons. The researchers predict that these disease mutations will enhance IQ in heterozygotes. This prediction is based on evidence that selection pressure has increased the frequency of the disease mutations in the reproductively isolated Ashkenazi population in medieval times. The hypothesis has not yet been empirically tested.[133]

Ashkenazi Jews have been reported to score 0.75 to 1.0 standard deviations above the general European average, corresponding to an IQ 112-115.[134][135][136]

According to Richard Lynn the most accurate reading of the IQ of Jews in Britain is 110. Lynn proposes that the overrepresentation of Jews as Nobel Prize Winners and as Fellows of the Royal Society can be partly explained by the higher average Jewish IQ because comparatively small differences in average intelligence can become very large differences in the very high I.Q ranges. Notable Jewish intellectuals include Einstein, Freud and Marx. Jews are over-represented among Nobel prize-winners by a factor of 8.0 in Britain and 12.3 in the United States.[137][138]

Interpretations

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Given the observed differences in IQ scores between certain groups, a great deal of debate revolves around the significance of these observations. Various interpretations of test data lead to a multitude of conflicting conclusions as to which specific explanations the data support.

Some people have attributed differential economic growth between nations to differences in the intelligence of their populations. One example is Richard Lynn's IQ and the Wealth of Nations. The book is sharply criticized in the peer-reviewed paper The Impact of National IQ on Income and Growth.[139] Another peer-reviewed paper, Intelligence, Human Capital, and Economic Growth: An Extreme-Bounds Analysis, finds a strong connection between intelligence and economic growth.[140] It has been argued that East Asian nations underachieve compared to IQ scores.

Jared Diamond's Guns, Germs and Steel instead argues that historical differences in economic and technological development for different areas can be explained by differences in geography (which affects factors like population density and spread of new technology) and differences in available crops and domesticatable animals.[141] However,psychologist John Philippe Rushton suggests these environmental differences may operate in part by selecting for higher levels of IQ[142] There is no evidence to suggest that such selective forces occur in regards to IQ[citation needed]. Consensus at the American Psychological Association is that a partly genetic hypothesis is as of now, inadequate in explaining differences in IQ among population groups.[143]


Prejudice and IQ

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A university study in the US was carried out in order to determine whether a relationship existed between prejudice and IQ. Students were given an IQ test and a test that measures racial prejudice. The study found that students who scored lower on IQ tests were more prejudiced. [144]

Media portrayal

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Media portrayal of race and intelligence in various mediums, such as films, books, and newspapers, characterize people of various races to be more or less intelligent. Likewise, reporting on research into race and intelligence has been criticized: either for giving scientific theories of race too much credit, or for rejecting the theories of some researchers in the name of racial harmony.

Examples

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Critics of contemporary media have highlighted portrayals of minorities as less intelligent[145] (or in the case of Asians, on occasion more intelligent[146]) in films and movies.

Black intelligence stereotypes

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Early stereotypes
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Early minstrel shows lampooned the supposed stupidity of Blacks. Detail from cover of The Celebrated Negro Melodies, as Sung by the Virginia Minstrels, 1843

Early minstrel shows lampooned the supposed stupidity of Blacks, movies such as Birth of a Nation questioned whether or not Black people were fit to run for governmental offices or vote. Secretary of State John C. Calhoun arguing for the extension of slavery in 1844 said "Here (scientific confirmation) is proof of the necessity of slavery. The African is incapable of self-care and sinks into lunacy under the burden of freedom. It is a mercy to give him the guardianship and protection from mental death."

Even after slavery ended the intellectual capacity of Black people was still frequently questioned. Lewis Terman wrote in The measurement of intelligence in 1916

"(Black and other ethnic minority children) are uneducable beyond the nearest rudiments of training. No amount of school instruction will ever make them intelligent voters or capable citizens in the sense of the world…their dullness seems to be racial, or at least inherent in the family stock from which they come…Children of this group should be segregated in special classes and be given instruction which is concrete and practical. They cannot master abstractions, but they can be made efficient workers…There is no possibility at present of convincing society that they should not be allowed to reproduce, although from a eugenic point of view they constitute a grave problem because of their unusual prolific breeding."

Modern stereotypes
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Some regard Jar Jar as a thinly veiled version of the type of portrayals used in minstrelsy to lampoon the supposed stupidity of Black people.

Patricia J. Williams, writer for The Nation, said this of Jar Jar Binks, a character from the 2002 Star Wars film: "...intentionally or not, Jar Jar's pratfalls and high jinks borrow heavily from the genre of minstrelsy. Despite the amphibian get-up, his relentless, panicky, manchild-like idiocy is imported directly from the days of Amos 'N' Andy." Many aspects of Jar Jar's character are believed to be highly reminiscent of the archetypes portrayed in blackface minstrelsy.[147]

According to Robert M. Entman an Andrew Rojecki, authors of the The Black Image in the White Mind, in television and film Black characters are less likely to be the "the intellectual drivers of its problem solving." Entman and Rojeki assert that media images of Blacks may have profound effects on the perceptions by both Blacks and Whites about black intellectual potential.[148]

Contemporary sports commentators have questioned whether blacks are intelligent enough to hold "strategic" positions or coach games such as football.[149] In another example, a study of the portrayal of race, ethnicity and nationality in televised sporting events by journalist Derrick Jackson in 1989 showed that blacks were more likely than Whites to be described in demeaning intellectual terms.[150] Political activist and one-time presidential candidate Rev. Jesse Jackson said in 1985 that the news media portray blacks as less intelligent than we are.[151] Film director Spike Lee explains that these images have negative impacts. "In my neighborhood, we looked up to athletes, guys who got the ladies, and intelligent people," said Lee. "[Now] If you're intelligent, you're called a white guy or girl."[152]

Even so-called positive images of Black people can lead to stereotypes about intelligence. In Darwin's Athletes: how sport has damaged Black America and preserved the myth of race, John Hoberman writes that the prominence of African-American athletes encourages a de-emphasis on academic achievement in black communities.[153] In a 1997 study on racial stereotypes in sports, participants were shown a photograph of a white or a black basketball player. They then listened to a recorded radio broadcast of a basketball game. White photographs were rated as exhibiting significantly more intelligence in the way they played the game, even though the radio broadcast and target player represented by the photograph were the same throughout the trial.[154] Several other authors have said that sports coverage that highlights 'natural black athleticism' has the effect of suggesting white superiority in other areas, such as intelligence.[155]

East Asian intelligence stereotypes

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thumb|left|80px|Fu Manchu. Asians have generally been portrayed in the media as intelligent but unsociable.[156] The early 20th century fictional character Fu Manchu was one startling example of this kind of media portrayal:


White intelligence stereotypes

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Scientific Racism from an American magazine, Harper’s Weekly, says that the Irish are similar to 'Negroes' and wonders why both groups are not extinct.

The social definition of "White" has changed over the years, and several White groups have at times been portrayed by the media as unintelligent. This includes ethnic groups such as the British, Irish, and Slavs.[157]

English intelligence stereotypes
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The English people are stereotyped as inordinately proper, prudish, and stiff and as having bad teeth.[158] Characters in historical movies often have English accents even when the setting has nothing to do with England. Upper-class characters are also often given English accents. In more recent times, many movie villains, including Jafar from Aladdin, Scar from The Lion King, Hans Gruber from Die Hard, and Hannibal Lecter from The Silence of the Lambs, have all been portrayed by British actors or given English accents.

Notably, in Disney films from the 1990s onward, English accents are generally employed to serve one of two purposes: slapstick comedy or evil genius.[159] Examples include Aladdin (the Sultan and Jafar, respectively), The Lion King (Zazu and Scar, respectively), The Hunchback of Notre Dame (Victor the Gargoyle and Frollo, respectively), and Pocahontas (Wiggins and Ratcliffe, respectively, both of whom happen to be played by the same actor, American David Ogden Stiers).

These two stereotypes are compounded in a scene in Pocahontas, in which Ratcliffe menacingly mentions giving the savages a "proper English greeting", in response to which Wiggins holds up two gift baskets.

Irish intelligence stereotypes
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Although the Irish, Germans, French, etc are considered ethnic groups today, the common term in the 19th century was "race". Much was made of Celtic versus Anglo-Saxon racial characteristics, regarding historic identity and behavior patterns. An analysis of nineteenth-century British attitudes by Mary J. Hickman and Bronwen Walter wrote that the 'Irish Catholic' was one viewed as an "other," or a different race in the construction of the British nationalist myth. Likewise the Irish considered the English "other" and fought hard to break away and create their own homeland, which they finally did in the 1920s. [160]

One 19th century British cartoonist even depicted Irish immigrants as ape-like and as racially different. One American doctor in the 1850s James Redfield, argued that "facial angle" was a sign of intelligence and character. He likened the facial characteristics of the human races to animals. Thus Irishmen resembled dogs, Yankees were like bears, Germans like lions, Negroes like elephants, Englishmen like bulls, Turks like turkeys, Persians like peacocks, Greeks like sheep, Hindus like swans, Jews like goats, and Frenchmen like frogs. [7] In the 20th century physical stereotypes survived in the comic books until the 1950s, with Irish characters like Mutt and Jeff, and Jiggs and Maggie appearing daily in hundreds of newspapers. [161]

Jewish intelligence stereotypes
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Modern European antisemitism has its origin in 19th century theories—now mostly considered as pseudo-scientific—that said that the Semitic peoples, including the Jews, are entirely different from the Aryan, or Indo-European, populations, and that they can never be amalgamated with them. In this view, Jews are not opposed on account of their religion, but on account of their supposed hereditary or genetic racial characteristics including: greed, a special aptitude for money-making and low cunning.

In early films such as Cohen's Advertising Scheme (1904, silent) stereotyped Jews as "scheming merchants"[162]

To this day Jewish people are sometimes stereotyped in media as being intellectually gifted.[163]

Portrayal of research by the media

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The Bell Curve

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File:Charles Murray.gif
Charles Murray

The Bell Curve is a controversial, best-selling 1994 book by Richard J. Herrnstein and Charles Murray exploring the role of intelligence in American life. The book became widely read and debated due to its discussion of race and intelligence in Chapters 13 and 14.

Press coverage has given considerable positive attention to theories of genetic racial differences in intelligence even though there is no consensus among researchers regarding their validity.[164] Upon publication, The Bell Curve received a great deal of positive publicity, including cover stories in Newsweek ("the science behind [it] is overwhelmingly mainstream"), early publication (under protest by other writers and editors) by The New Republic by its editor-in-chief at the time Andrew Sullivan, and The New York Times Book Review (which suggested critics disliked its "appeal to sweet reason" and are "inclined to hang the defendants without a trial"). Early articles and editorials appeared in Time, The New York Times ("makes a strong case"), The New York Times Magazine, Forbes, the Wall Street Journal, and National Review. It received a respectful airing on such shows as Nightline, the MacNeil/Lehrer NewsHour, the McLaughlin Group, Think Tank, PrimeTime Live, and All Things Considered. [8]

The positive reception of The Bell Curve in media such as newspapers and television talk shows was troubling to critics such as economist Edward S. Herman and evolutionary biologist Joseph L. Graves who felt that it indicated a troubling acceptance of what Herman calls deterministic racist doctrines.[165] Dennis M. Rutledge suggests that through soundbites of works like Jensen's famous study on the achievement gap, and Herrnstein and Murray's book The Bell Curve, the media "paints a picture of Blacks and other people of color as collective biological illiterates — as not only intellectually unfit but evil and criminal as well," thus providing, he says "the logic and justification for those who would further disenfranchise and exclude racial and ethnic minorities."[166]

APA response
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In response to the controversy surrounding The Bell Curve, the American Psychological Association's Board of Scientific Affairs in 1995 established a special task force to publish an investigative report on the research presented in the book. Intelligence: Knowns and Unknowns. Regarding genetic causes, they judged that there is not much direct evidence on this point, but what little there is fails to support the genetic hypothesis. The January 1997 issue of American Psychologist included eleven critical responses to the APA report, most of which criticized the report's failure to examine all of the evidence for or against the partly-genetic interpretation of racial differences in IQ.[citation needed]

Stereotype threat

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Stereotype threat is the fear that one's behavior will confirm an existing stereotype of a group with which one identifies. This fear may in turn lead to an impairment of performance (Aronson, Wilson, & Akert, 2005). Stereotype threat was first articulated and documented by the social psychologists Claude Steele, Joshua Aronson, and Steven Spencer, who have conducted several studies on this topic.

While Stereotype threat has not received as much media attention as The Bell Curve much of the media coverage has been positive. The Atlantic Monthly ran a feature article on the topic authored by psychologist Claude M. Steele in August 1999.[167] Still one conservative researcher feels that the coverage has been inaccurate. In a 2004 study Sackett said he found indications of widespread and systematic research misinterpretation regarding one of the more popular explanations for the IQ gap.[168] Introducing stereotype threat to a test-taking environment has been shown to increase the existing gap between Blacks or Whites in relation to Whites or Asians respectively, and has thus been offered as a potential contributor to the gap.[169] However Sackett said 88% of accounts in the popular media, 91% in scientific journals, and 67% in psychology textbooks had misinterpreted the findings as that eliminating the introduced stereotype threat eliminated the Black-White gap, when in fact the students had already been matched according to prior scores.[170] Sackett suggests the appeal of the misinterpreted findings may have been a factor, and that such research results in general may in this way be systemically more readily accepted.[171]

Snyderman and Rothman

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The Snyderman and Rothman study accused the media of liberal bias in reporting on race and intelligence. Mark Snyderman and Stanley Rothman argued in their joint paper in 1988 that media coverage of intelligence-related research is often inaccurate and misleading. They surveyed the opinions of journalists and science editors and intelligence experts (not necessarily with knowledge about race), including scholars in the subfields of psychology, sociology, cognitive science, education, and genetics. They argue that media coverage of intelligence related topics was overall inaccurate and misleading. They say the media has misreported the views of the scientific community, especially about the role of genetic and environmental factors in explaining individual and group differences in IQ.

In their 1987 survey, they wrote:

Forty-five percent believe the difference to be a product of both genetic and environmental variation, compared to only 15% who feel the difference is entirely due to environmental variation. Twenty-four percent of experts do not believe there are sufficient data to support any reasonable opinion, and 14% did not respond to the question. Eight experts (1%) indicate a belief in an entirely genetic determination.

No poll option was provided to indicate "predominantly (but not entirely) environmental.

They found that the media regularly presented the views of Stephen Jay Gould and Leon Kamin as representative of mainstream opinion among experts, whereas those who stress that individual and group differences may be substantially genetic (e.g., Arthur Jensen) are characterized as a minority. According to Synderman and Rothman, their survey of expert opinion found that the opposite is true, however proportion of experts supporting these hypotheses today is unknown.

Surveys of academic opinion

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A survey was conducted in 1987 of a broad sample of 1,020 scholars in specialties that would give them reason to be knowledgeable about IQ (but not necessarily about race). The survey was given to members of the American Education Research Association, National Council on Measurement in Education, American Psychological Association, American Sociological Association, Behavior Genetics Association, and Cognitive Science Society. According to the report, regarding the question "The source of black-white difference in IQ":

This is perhaps the central question in the IQ controversy. Respondents were asked to express their opinion of the role of genetic differences in the black-white IQ differential. Forty-five percent believe the difference to be a product of both genetic and environmental variation, compared to only 15% who feel the difference is entirely due to environmental variation. Twenty-four percent of experts do not believe there are sufficient data to support any reasonable opinion, and 14% did not respond to the question. Eight experts (1%) indicate a belief in an entirely genetic determination.[172]

Robert Sternberg cautioned against supposing that the survey represented anything but opinion saying, "science isn't done by majority rule".[173] Respondents on average called themselves slightly left of center politically, but political and social opinions accounted for less than 10% of the variation in responses. Carol Swain, author of The New White Nationalism reacted with some dismay to the survey, stating:

At least one important survey suggests that a belief in the biological inferiority of some races in regard to intelligence is more common than generally supposed. Smith College professor Stanley Rothman and Harvard researcher Mark Snyderman surveyed a sample of mostly scientific experts in the field of educational psychology in the late 1980s and found that 53 percent believed IQ differences between whites and African Americans were at least partly genetic in origin, while only 17 percent attributed the IQ differences to environmental factors alone (the remainder either believed the data was currently insufficient to decide the issue or refused to answer the question).

According to the American Psychological Association's 1995 task force report on intelligence research:

It is sometimes suggested that the Black/White differential in psychometric intelligence is partly due to genetic differences (Jensen, 1972). There is not much direct evidence on this point, but what little there is fails to support the genetic hypothesis.

The APA subsequently published eleven critical responses in 1997, most arguing that the report failed to examine adequately the evidence for the genetic hypothesis.[30][174] Charles Murray, for instance, responded:

Actually, there is no direct evidence at all, just a wide variety of indirect evidence, almost all of which the task force chose to ignore.[175]

The report did agree with many of the non-race-based statements on intelligence made in The Bell Curve[176] and concludes with a call for more reflection in debates on intelligence and for a "shared and sustained effort" in more research to answer the many unanswered questions that remain.[177] Coming advances in genetics and genomics are expected to soon provide the ability to test hypotheses about group differences more rigorously than has as yet been possible.[178]

Researchers who believe that there is no significant genetic contribution to race differences in intelligence include Flynn 1980, Brody 1992, Neisser et al. 1996, Nisbett 1998, Mackintosh 1998, Jencks and Phillips 1998, and Fish 2002. Some scientists who emphasize cultural explanations do not necessarily exclude a small genetic influence. Reynolds 2000 suggests up to 20% genetic influence be included in the cultural explanation. Researchers who believe that there are significant genetic contributions to race differences in intelligence include McGurk 1953, Garrett 1961, Shuey 1966, Shockley 1968, Eysenck 1971, Baker 1974, Loehlin et al. 1975, Vernon 1979, Lynn 1991a, Waldman et al. 1994, Scarr 1995, Levin 1997, Jensen 1998b, Rushton 2000, and Gottfredson 2005b.

Opinions of scholars and others

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A survey was conducted in 1987 of a broad sample of 1,020 scholars (65% replied) in specialties that would give them reason to be knowledgeable about IQ (but not necessarily about race; Snyderman & Rothman, 1987). The survey was given to members of the American Education Research Association, National Council on Measurement in Education, American Psychological Association, American Sociological Association, Behavior Genetics Association, and Cognitive Science Society. Political and social opinions, reported in the same survey, accounted for less than 10% of the variation in responses. (Respondents on average called themselves slightly left of center politically.) Measures of expertise or eminence accounted for little or no variation in responses.

One question was "Which of the following best characterizes your opinion of the heritability of the Black-White difference in I.Q.?" (emphasis original).[179] The responses were divided into five categories:

  • The difference is entirely due to environmental variation: 15%.
  • The difference is entirely due to genetic variation: 1% (8 respondents).
  • The difference is a product of both genetic and environmental variation: 45%.
  • The data are insufficient to support any reasonable opinion: 24%.
  • No response (or not qualified): 14%.
A selection of survey results
Question Responses
What heritability would you estimate for IQ differences within the White population? Average estimate of 60 (± 17) percent.
What heritability would you estimate for IQ differences within the Black population? Average estimate of 57 (± 18) percent.
Are intelligence tests biased against Blacks? On a scale of 1 (not at all or insignificantly) to 4 (extremely), mean response of 2 (somewhat).
What is the source of the average Black-White difference in IQ? Both genetic and environmental (45%, or 52% of those responding).

The age of the survey and the anonymity of the respondents could constrain its interpretation.

In a 1988 survey, journalists, editors, and IQ experts were asked their "opinion of the source of the black-white difference in IQ" Snyderman and Rothman 1988

Group Entirely Environment Entirely Genetic Both Data Are Insufficient
Journalists 34% 1% 27% 38%
Editors 47% 2% 23% 28%
IQ Experts 17% 1% 53% 28%
The view of the American Psychological Association
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In response to the controversy surrounding The Bell Curve, the American Psychological Association's Board of Scientific Affairs in 1995 established a special task force to publish an investigative report on the research presented in the book.[180]

The task force agrees that there do exist large differences between the average IQ scores of blacks and whites, and that these differences cannot be attributed to biases in test construction, nor does it "simply reflect differences in socio-economic status". While they admit there is no empirical evidence supporting it, the APA task force suggests that explanations based on social status and cultural differences may be possible. Regarding genetic causes, they noted, "There is not much direct evidence on this point, but what little there is fails to support the genetic hypothesis." The January 1997 issue of American Psychologist included eleven critical responses to the APA report, most of which criticized the report's failure to examine all of the evidence for or against the genetic hypothesis of racial differences in IQ.

Controversies

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Utility of research

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Theories of race and intelligence have been challenged on grounds of their utility. Critics want to know what purpose such research could serve and why it has been an intense an area of focus for a few researchers. Some defend the research, saying it has egalitarian aims or that it is pure science, others say that the true motivation for the research is the same as that of the eugenics movement and other forms of scientific racism.[181][182] Even supporters of intelligence research have described such research as analogous to "working with dynamite" or "dangerous play" in sports.[183]

As to whether research in this area is desirable, John C. Loehlin wrote in 1992, "Research on racial differences in intelligence is desirable if the research is appropriately motivated, honestly done, and adequately communicated." [emphasis original] Defenders of the research suggest that both scientific curiosity and a desire to draw benefits from the research are appropriate motivations. Researchers such as Richard Lynn have suggested that conclusions from the research can help make political decisions, such as the type of educational opportunities and expectations of achievement policy makers should have for people of different races. Charles Murray, a conservative political pundit at the American Enterprise Institute has used their conclusions to criticize social programs based on racial equality that fail, he claims, to recognize the realities of racial differences.

In a book review J. Philippe Rushton called Richard Lynn's and Tatu Vanhanen's book IQ And Global Inequality which links GDP with the racial composition of nations as "the most important contribution to economic understanding since Adam Smith".[184]

Sociologist and demographer Reanne Frank says that some race and intelligence research has been abused "The most malignant are the "true believers," who subscribe to the typological distinctions that imply hierarchical rankings of worth across different races. Although this group remains small, the members' work is often widely publicized and well known (e.g., Herrnstein and Murray 1994; Rushton 1991)"[185]

Potential for bias

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Proponents of genetic explanations of race/IQ correlation have often been criticized both of scientific misconduct and of their intimate links with groups that have historic ties to Nazis and eugenics of the early 19th century, such as the Pioneer Fund. The Pioneer Fund has been characterized by the Southern Poverty Law Center as a hate group. Beverly Daniel Tatum writes that dominant cultures often set the parameters by which minority cultures will be judged. Minority groups are labeled as substandard in significant ways, for example blacks have historically been characterized as less intelligent than whites. Tatum suggests that the ability to set these parameters is a form of white privilege.[186] Proponents of genetic explanations of race/IQ correlation have in turn accused their critics of suppressing scientific debate in the name of political correctness. They claim harassment and interference with both their work and funding.

The preponderance of evidence indicates that IQ tests measuring general intelligence are crossculturally valid. There is little or no evidence of population-specific cultural effects apart from the obvious example of language bias.[187] For example, Robert Sternberg et al. found that the IQ of 12- to 15-year-old Kenyans predicted school grades at about the same level as they do in the West.[188] IQ also predicted university performance equally well in African and non-African engineering students in South Africa in a 2004 study.[189] Salgado et al. (2003) demonstrated the international generalizability of general mental ability across 10 member countries of the European Community and differences in a nation’s culture, religion, language, socioeconomic level or employment legislation did not affect the predictive validity of IQ tests.[190]

The Bell Curve has often been argued to embellish the view that IQ is inheritable. (Nature argument.) However, recent studies have argued that IQ itself is in fact malleable due to conditions of nuture. [191]

Policy implications

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See also: Intelligence and public policy

Public policy implications of IQ and race research are one of the greatest sources of controversy surrounding this issue. Regardless of the source of the gap, most educators agree that it must be addressed. They often advocate equitable funding for education.[192][193]

Some proponents of a genetic interpretation of the IQ gap, such as Rushton and Jensen 2005a and Gottfredson 2005b, have sometimes argued that their interpretation does not in itself demand any particular policy response: while a conservative/libertarian commentator[194] may feel the results justify, for example, reductions in affirmative action, a liberal commentator may argue from a Rawlsian point of view (that genetic advantages are undeserved and unjust) for substantial affirmative action.[195] Since all races have representatives at all levels of the IQ curve, this means any policy based on low IQ affects members of all races.

While not specifically race-related, policies focused on geographical regions or nations may have disproportionate influences on certain racial groups and on cognitive development. Differences in health care, nutrition, regulation of environmental toxins, and geographic distribution of diseases and control strategies between the developing world and developed nations have all been subjects of policies or policy recommendations (see Health and intelligence).

Melvin Konner, professor of anthropology and associate professor of psychiatry and neurology at Emory University, called Bell Curve a "deliberate assault on efforts to improve the school performance of African-Americans". "This book presented strong evidence that genes play a role in intelligence but linked it to the unsupported claim that genes explain the small but consistent black-white difference in IQ. The juxtaposition of good argument with a bad one seemed politically motivated, and persuasive refutations soon appeared. Actually, African-Americans have excelled in virtually every enriched environment they have been placed in, most of which they were previously barred from, and this in only the first decade or two of improved but still not equal opportunity. It is likely that the real curves for the two races will one day be superimposable on each other, but this may require decades of change and different environments for different people. Claims about genetic potential are meaningless except in light of this requirement."[196]

Finally, Gregory Stock, writes that germinal choice technology may one day be able to select or change directly alleles found to influence intelligence or racially identifying traits (such as skin color; see gene SLC24A5), making them susceptible to biotechnological intervention.[197]

End material

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See also

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Notes

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  1. ^ Andor, L. E., ed. Aptitudes and Abilities of the Black Man in Sub-Saharan Africa: 1784-1963: An Annotated Bibliography. Johannesburg: National Institute for Personnel Research, 1966.
  2. ^ "Race as Biology Is Fiction, Racism as a Social Problem Is Real: Anthropological and Historical Perspectives on the Social Construction of Race." by Audrey Smedley and Brian D. Smedley[1]
  3. ^ Thirty Years of Research on Race Differences In Cognitive Ability. p. 240
  4. ^ Black-White-East Asian IQ differences at least 50% genetic, major law review journal concludes
  5. ^ Ceci, S. J. (1990). On intelligence more or less: A bioecological treatise on intellectual development. Englewood Cliffs, NJ: Prentice Hall
  6. ^ Intelligence: Knowns and Unknowns
  7. ^ There are no public-policy implications: A reply to Rushton and Jensen (2005) Robert Sternberg
  8. ^ Entman, Robert M. and Andrew Rojecki The Black Image in the White Mind: Media and Race in America 2001
  9. ^ Darwin's Athletes: how sport has damaged Black America and preserved the myth of race By John Milton Hoberman. ISBN 0395822920
  10. ^ Social Darwinism, Scientific Racism, and the Metaphysics of Race Rutledge M. Dennis The Journal of Negro Education, Vol. 64, No. 3, Myths and Realities: African Americans and the Measurement of Human Abilities (Summer, 1995), pp. 243-252
  11. ^ A History of Race/ism Produced By: Tim McCaskell Toronto District School Board
  12. ^ Jalata, Asafa 1954- "Race and Ethnicity in East Africa (review)" Africa Today - Volume 48, Number 4, Winter 2001, pp. 134-136 Indiana University Press
  13. ^ The Invention of the White Race By Chantal Mouffe, Theodore (Theodore W.) Allen
  14. ^ Media, Stereotypes and the Perpetuation of Racism in Canada by James Crawford

    Indians were seen as a homogeneous group of savages despite the fact that individual groups varied extensively and had several well developed social systems. Black people were also portrayed as savage, uncivilized and having low intelligence. By creating these social constructs, expansion into North America was justified.

  15. ^ Alexander Thomas and Samuell Sillen (1972). Racism and Psychiatry. New York: Carol Publishing Group.
  16. ^ Samual A. Cartwright, "Diseases and Peculiarities of the Negro Race", DeBow's Review—Southern and Western States, Volume XI, New Orleans, 1851
  17. ^ Eugenics: America's Darkest Days
  18. ^ Francis Galton:British Psychologist
  19. ^ Social Darwinism, Scientific Racism, and the Metaphysics of Race Rutledge M. Dennis The Journal of Negro Education, Vol. 64, No. 3, Myths and Realities: African Americans and the Measurement of Human Abilities (Summer, 1995), pp. 243-252
  20. ^ Degler 1992; Loehlin et al. 1975
  21. ^ Broca 1873, Bean 1906, Mall 1909, Morton 1839, Pearl 1934, Vint 1934
  22. ^ Outcome-Based Tyranny: Teaching Compliance While Testing Like A State IQ tests administered to the American Expeditionary Forces (AEF) in World War I. Anthropological Quarterly - Volume 76, Number 4, Fall 2003, pp. 715-730
  23. ^ Porteus, Stanley. The Psychology of a Primitive People, 1931.
  24. ^ Racial Inequality: Fact or Myth W. O. Brown, The Journal of Negro History, Vol. 16, No. 1. (Jan., 1931), pp. 49
  25. ^ Killing the Black Body: Race, Reproduction, and the Meaning of Liberty by Dorothy Roberts. Page 63. December 1998 ISBN 0679758690
  26. ^ According to historian of psychology Graham Richards there was widespread critical debate within psychology about the conceptual underpinnings of this early race difference research (Richards 1997). These include Estabrooks (1928) two papers on the limitations of methodology used in the research; Dearborn and Long’s (1934) overview of the criticisms by several psychologists (Garth, Thompson, Peterson, Pinter, Herskovits, Daniel, Price, Wilkerson, Freeman, Rosenthal and C.E. Smith) in a collection they edited and Klineburg, who wrote three major critiques, one in 1928, and two in 1935. Richards also notes that with over a 1000 publications within psychology during the interwar years there had been a large internal debate. Towards the end of the time period almost all those publishing, including most of those who began with a pro-race differences stance, were firmly arguing against race differences research. Richards regards the scientific controversy to be dead at this point, although he also suggests reasons for its re-emergence in the late nineteen sixties.
  27. ^ Boas 1938
  28. ^ Garrett 1961; Lynn 2001, pp. 45–54
  29. ^ Jensen 1969
  30. ^ a b Explaining Race Differences in IQ: The Logic, the Methodology, and the Evidence American Psychologist, November 1984, Brian Mackenzie. Mackenzie writes of Jensen's hereditarian position as a "genetic model", in contrast to a "jointly genetic/environmental" model. Jensen often uses the term "partly-genetic" to describe his position, even though his views aren't seen as congruent with the "jointly genetic/environmental" model described by Mackenzie.
  31. ^ George Bush: The Unauthorized Biography by Webster Griffin Tarpley and Anton Chaitkin, 1992 Executive Intelligence Review, Chapter 11
  32. ^ George Bush: The Unauthorized Biography by Webster Griffin Tarpley and Anton Chaitkin, 1992 Executive Intelligence Review, Chapter 11
  33. ^ {{This paragraph includes excerpts from William Shockley; however editors of this page have expressed concern over the lack of citations at that article. A request for citation has been placed there. Please refer to discussion page before further editing etc}}
  34. ^ Gould 1996
  35. ^ A Genetic and Cultural Odyssey: The Life and Work of L. Luca Cavalli-Sforza by Linda Stone, pages 76, 168 ISBN 0231133960.
  36. ^
    "What of the latest currents of thought? Are they likely to lead to, or at least encourage, further distortions of social policy? The indications are not all encouraging. Richard Herrnstein and Charles Murray published a book in 1994 clearly directed at policy, just as Jensen and others had in the 1960s and 1970s. The Bell Curve: Intelligence and Class Structure in American Life (New York: Free Press, 1994) teamed a psychologist with a conservative policy advocate to try to prove that both the class structure and the racial divide in the United States result from genetically determined differences in intelligence and ability."
    "Their general assertions about genes and IQ were not very controversial, but their speculations on race were something else again."
    "Also in the 1990s, Phillipe Rushton has tried to couch racial differences in IQ in a theory drawn from evolutionary biology. This theory takes the concepts of r and K selection, crudely useful when applied to a vast range of living creatures considered on a continuum, and apply it to subtle differences in skull form, mental test results, and sexual behavior within our one species. This theory has no academic legitimacy and little relationship to real evolutionary theory, but it taints the whole Darwinian enterprise, strongly recalling the “scientific anthropology” of the era of slavery."
    "The reality is quite different. As argued by George Armelagos in his Presidential Address to the American Association of Physical Anthropologists (“Race, Reason and Rationale,” Evolutionary Anthropology 4, 1995, pp. 103–109) race itself is a dubious concept for the human species. Obviously it is sociologically meaningful, but even in the social realm it is a constantly moving target with little or no core biological legitimacy."The Tangled Wing Biological Constraints on the Human Spirit Times Books Pub: 2002 ISBN 0-7167-4602-6
  37. ^ The Tangled Wing: Biological Constraints on the Human Spirit Times Books, Pub Date: Jan. 2002. ISBN 0-7167-4602-6 By Kevin Konner
  38. ^ Statement on "Race" and Intelligence American Anthropological Association
  39. ^ a b 2 Scholarly Articles Diverge On Role of Race in Medicine By NICHOLAS WADE Published: March 20, 2003] New York Times
  40. ^ Wilson et al. 2001, Cooper et al. 2003 (given in Bamshad et al. 2004's summary, p.599)
  41. ^ Schwartz 2001, Stephens 2003 (given in Bamshad et al. 2004's summary, p. 599)
  42. ^ It is well established that within-population genetic diversity is greatest within Sub-Saharan Africa, and decreases with distance from Africa. One study estimates that only 6.3% of the total human genetic diversity is explained by race. (See: The Biological Meaning of “Race” by Matt Riese) This value is comparable to other reports which find that on average approximately 85% of genetic variation occurs within populations. In a hypothetical situation with two populations and a single gene with two alleles, this is equivalent to allele frequencies of 30% + 70% in one population and 70% + 30% in the other. Thus, using this single gene to classify individuals into populations would result in a 30% misclassification rate.
  43. ^ Sternberg et al. 2005, Suzuki and Aronson 2005, Smedley and Smedley 2005, Helms et al. 2005, The concept and measurement of race and their relationship to public health: a review focused on Brazil and the United States
  44. ^ (Diamond 1997/99, p.21).
  45. ^ Risch et al. 2002, Bamshad 2005. Neil Risch argues: "One could make the same arguments about sex and age! . . you can undermine any definitional system. . . In a recent study. . . we actually had a higher discordance rate between self-reported sex and markers on the X chromosome [than] between genetic structure [based on microsatellite markers] versus [racial] self-description, [which had a] 99.9% concordance. . . So you could argue that sex is also a problematic category. And there are differences between sex and gender; self-identification may not be correlated with biology perfectly. And there is sexism. And you can talk about age the same way. A person's chronological age does not correspond perfectly with his biological age for a variety of reasons, both inherited and non-inherited. Perhaps just using someone's actual birth year is not a very good way of measuring age. Does that mean we should throw it out? . . . Any category you come up with is going to be imperfect, but that doesn't preclude you from using it or the fact that it has utility" (Gitschier 2005).
  46. ^ Harpending and Rogers 2000, Bamshad et al. 2003, Edwards 2003, Bamshad et al. 2004, Tang et al. 2005, Rosenberg et al. 2005: "If enough markers are used... individuals can be partitioned into genetic clusters that match major geographic subdivisions of the globe".
  47. ^ Mountain and Risch 2004
  48. ^ Bindon, Jim. University of Alabama. "Post World War II". 2005. August 28, 2006
  49. ^ How "Caucasoids" Got Such Big Crania and Why They Shrank
  50. ^ Intelligence, Race, and Genetics Robert J. Sternberg, Elena L. Grigorenko, and Kenneth K. Kidd Yale University
  51. ^ 'Beyond the Bell Curve: Toward a Model of Talent and Character Development Serge Madhere The Journal of Negro Education, Vol. 64, No. 3, Myths and Realities: African Americans and the Measurement of Human Abilities (Summer, 1995), pp. 326-339
  52. ^ J Clin Psychol. 1991 Sep;47(5):698-702.
  53. ^ Predictive validity of two short-forms of the WPPSI: a 3-year follow-up study.
  54. ^ The Predictive Value of IQ Sternberg, Robert J. Merrill-Palmer Quarterly - Volume 47, Number 1, January 2001, pp. 1-41
  55. ^ Text of the APA Task Force Report, "Intelligence: Knowns and Unknowns"
  56. ^ See Neisser et al. 1996.
  57. ^ Carraher, Carraher, and Schliemann (1985) studied a group of Brazilian street children. The investigation found that the same children who are able to do the mathematics needed to run their street businesses were often unable to do mathematics in a formal setting. See: Street Mathematics and School Mathematics By Terezinha Nunes, David William Carraher, Analucia Dias Schliemann ISBN 0521388139
  58. ^ Mind in Context: Interactionist Perspectives on Human Intelligence By Robert J. Sternberg, Richard K. Wagner
  59. ^ Standardization of the Panga Munthu Test-A Nonverbal Cognitive Test Developed in Zambia Ravinder Kathuria, Robert Serpell The Journal of Negro Education, Vol. 67, No. 3, Assessment in the Context of Culture and Pedagogy (Summer, 1998), pp. 228-241
  60. ^ Herrnstein and Murray 1994; Lynn 1991a; Lynn 2006
  61. ^ Rushton, J. P. (2006). "Lynn Richard, Race Differences in Intelligence: An Evolutionary Analysis, Washington Summit Books, Augusta, GA (2005) ISBN 1-59368-020-1, 318 pages., US$34.95". Personality and Individual Differences. 40 (4): 853–855. doi:10.1016/j.paid.2005.10.004. {{cite journal}}: Cite has empty unknown parameter: |month= (help)
  62. ^ Lynn, R. and Vanhanen, T. (2002). IQ and the wealth of nations. Westport, CT: Praeger. ISBN 0-275-97510-X
  63. ^ Top Colleges Take More Blacks, but Which Ones?
  64. ^ Shades of gray in black enrollment
  65. ^ Crippled by Their Culture OpinionJournal, WSJ.com
  66. ^ http://www.vdare.com/misc/rushton_african_iq.htm
  67. ^ PEOPLE ARE POOR AT CROSS-RACE FACIAL APA News Release December 3, 2000
  68. ^ Minority and Cross-Cultural Aspects of Neuropsychological Assessment By F. Richard Ferraro Page 90 ISBN 9026518307
  69. ^ Children's Ability to Recognize Other Children's Faces Saul Feinman, Doris R. Entwisle Child Development, Vol. 47, No. 2 (Jun., 1976), pp. 506-510
  70. ^ a b Other-Race Face Perception D. Stephen Lindsay, PhilipC. Jack, Jr.,and Marcus A.Christian. Journal of Applied Psychology Cite error: The named reference "otherrace" was defined multiple times with different content (see the help page).
  71. ^ Diamond &Carey, 1986; Rhodeset al.,1989
  72. ^ Convergent Trends in Black-White Test-Score Differentials in the U.S.: A Correction of Richard Lynn Min-Hsiung Huang and Robert M. Hauser 2000
  73. ^ How Heritability Misleads about Race
  74. ^ Gene variant may depress IQ of males
  75. ^ Link between gene and performance IQ
  76. ^ Gene may affect IQ in males, scientists say Dallas Daily News
  77. ^ Parents pass on genes for reasoning and memory NewScientist.com
  78. ^ A World of Difference: Richard Lynn Maps World Intelligence Gene Expression
  79. ^ Microcephalin, a Gene Regulating Brain Size, Continues to Evolve Adaptively in Humans Gene Expressions
  80. ^ a b c d Neisser et al. 1996
  81. ^ Racial equality in intelligence: Predictions from a theory of intelligence as processing Joseph F. Fagan and Cynthia R. Holland. Intelligence Volume 35, Issue 4, July-August 2007, Pages 319-334
  82. ^ PBS Jencks Interview "If we change the names of the tests, they still measure the same thing but it wouldn't convey this idea that somehow you've gotten the potential of somebody when you measured their IQ. And I think that creates a big bias, because the people who do badly on the tests are labeled as people with low potential in many people's minds and they sometimes even believe that about themselves."
  83. ^ Jencks and Phillips 1998 "... we find it hard to see how anyone reading these studies with an open mind could conclude that innate ability played a large role in the black-white gap."
  84. ^ Black Americans reduce the racial IQ gap: Evidence from standardization samples William T. Dickens and James R. Flynn. Oct. 2006
  85. ^ Flynn 1987, Flynn 1987b, Flynn 1999, Flynn 1999b
  86. ^ Colom et al. 2005
  87. ^ Flynn 1999
  88. ^ Race, Categorisation and Educational Achievement British Journal of Sociology of Education, Vol. 10, No. 2 (1989), pp. 195-214
  89. ^ Fitting into Categories or Falling Between Them? Rethinking ethnic classification Alastair Bonnett, Bruce Carrington. British Journal of Sociology of Education Volume 21, Number 4 / December 1, 2000 Pages:487 - 500
  90. ^ The Effects of Stereotype Threat on the Standardized Test Performance of College Students J Aronson, CM Steele, MF Salinas, MJ Lustina - Readings About the Social Animal, 8th edition, E. Aronson
  91. ^ Steele, C. M. and Aronson, J. (Nov 1995). "Stereotype threat and the intellectual test performance of African Americans". Journal of Personality and Social Psychology 69 (5): 797-811.
  92. ^ Racial Identity and Academic Achievement
  93. ^ Review of Evidence Relating to Effects of Desegregation on the Intellectual Performance of Negroes I Katz - American Psychologist, 1964
  94. ^ Race and IQ TIME. Monday, Sep. 07, 1970
  95. ^ Sackett, P. R., Hardison, C. M. and Cullen, M. J. (Apr 2005). "On Interpreting Research on Stereotype Threat and Test Performance". American Psychologist 60 (3): 271-272. DOI:10.1037/0003-066x.60.3.271.
  96. ^ African Americans and high blood pressure: the role of stereotype threat. Blascovich J, Spencer SJ, Quinn D and Steele C. Department of Psychology, University of California, Santa Barbara 93106, USA.
  97. ^ Converging Evidence That Stereotype Threat Reduces Working Memory Capacity Toni Schmader and Michael Johns 2003
  98. ^ Stereotype Threat Undermines Intellectual Performance by Triggering a Disruptive Mental Load 2004 Society for Personality and Social Psychology, Inc.
  99. ^ Reading level attenuates differences in neuropsychological test performance between African American and White elders JENNIFER J. MANLY, DIANE M. JACOBS, PEGAH TOURADJI, SCOTT A. SMALL and YAAKOV STERN
  100. ^ Acculturation, Reading Level, and Neuropsychological Test Performance Among African American Elders Jennifer J. Manly‌, Desiree A. Byrd‌, Pegah Touradji‌, Yaakov Stern‌
  101. ^ Cancellation test performance in African American, Hispanic, and White elderly DESIREE A. BYRD, PEGAH TOURADJI, MING-XIN TANG and JENNIFER J. MANLY
  102. ^ School Quality and the Black-White Achievement Gap Eric A. Hanushek and Steven G. Rivkin 2006
  103. ^ Cross-cultural Effects on IQ Test Performance: A Review and Preliminary Normative Indications on WAIS-III Test Performance Journal of Clinical and Experimental Neuropsychology Volume 26, Number 7 / October 2004
  104. ^ When Are Racial Disparities in Education the Result of Racial Discrimination? A Social Science Perspective by Roslyn Arlin Mickelson University of North Carolina at Charlotte
  105. ^ Effect of Children's Ethnicity on Teachers' Referral and Recommendation Decisions in Gifted and Talented Programs Journal article by Negmeldin Alsheikh, Hala Elhoweris, Pauline Holloway, Kagendo Mutua; Remedial and Special Education, Vol. 26, 2005
  106. ^ (Salend, Garrick Duhaney, & Montgomery, 2002; Townsend, 2002)
  107. ^ Racial Inequity in Special Education. Losen, Daniel J., Ed.; Orfield, Gary, Ed. Harvard Education Publishing Group.
  108. ^ (Gay, 2000; Irvine & Armento, 2001; Ladson-Billings, 1994, 2001)
  109. ^ The Effects of African American Movement Styles on Teachers' Perceptions and Reactions Journal article by Scott T. Bridgest, Audrey Davis Mccray, La Vonne I. Neal, Gwendolyn Webb-Johnson; Journal of Special Education, Vol. 37, 2003
  110. ^ Color-Blind Ellis Cose. Page 50
  111. ^ a b Inequality by Design: Cracking the Bell Curve Myth by Claude S. Fischer, Michael Hout, Martín Sánchez Jankowski, Samuel R. Lucas, Ann Swidler, and Kim Vos. Page 192. (The footnotes given are also from this book.) Cite error: The named reference "bell myth" was defined multiple times with different content (see the help page).
  112. ^ The Bell Curve and many other places.
  113. ^ Church Academic Achievement
  114. ^ Richard Lynn discussed in Benson Ireland's 'Low' IQ
  115. ^ Lynn et al. Home Background
  116. ^ Klich Aboriginal Cognition and Psychological Science; Clark and Halford, Does Cognitive Style Account for Cultural Differences?
  117. ^ Ogbu, Minority Education and Caste
  118. ^ Verster and Prinsloo, The Diminishing Test Performance Gap
  119. ^ Raven, The Raven Progressive Matrices esp fig. 2
  120. ^ Kugelmass et al., Patterns of Intellectual Ability
  121. ^ Das and Khurana, Catse and Cognitive Processes
  122. ^ Adamovic, Intellectual Development and Level of Knowledge in Gypsy Pupils
  123. ^ Shimahara, Social Mobility and Education
  124. ^ SAGE, School Psychology
  125. ^ Joel Wiesen, "An Annotated List of Many Possible Reasons for the Black-White Mean Score Differences Seen With Many Cognitive Ability Tests: Notes to File," Applied Personnel Research, March 18, 2005.
  126. ^ http://psychology.uwo.ca/faculty/rushtonpdfs/PPPL1.pdf Thirty Years of Research on Race Differences in Cognitive Ability
  127. ^ http://www.innovations-report.de/html/berichte/studien/bericht-43536.html Black-White-East Asian IQ differences at least 50% genetic, major law review journal concludes
  128. ^ A Genome-Wide Scan of 1842 DNA Markers for Allelic Associations With General Cognitive Ability: A Five-Stage Design Using DNA Pooling and Extreme Selected Groups
  129. ^ Brain May Still Be Evolving, Studies Hint
  130. ^ The ongoing adaptive evolution of ASPM and Microcephalin is not explained by increased intelligence
  131. ^ Normal variants of Microcephalin and ASPM do not account for brain size variability
  132. ^ The race myth, Joseph Graves, page 183 ISBN 0452286581
  133. ^ http://homepage.mac.com/harpend/.Public/AshkenaziIQ.jbiosocsci.pdf
  134. ^ [2]
  135. ^ http://www.astarshop.com/j_dis.pdf
  136. ^ [3]
  137. ^ On the high intelligence and cognitive achievements of Jews in Britain
  138. ^ Lynn, R. and Longley, D. (2006). "On the high intelligence and cognitive achievements of Jews in Britain." Intelligence, 34, 541-547.
  139. ^ Thomas Volken, "The Impact of National IQ on Income and Growth."
  140. ^ Jones and Schneider 2005
  141. ^ Richard Nisbett argues in his 2004 The Geography of Thought that some of these regional differences shaped lasting cultural traits, such as the collectivism required by East Asian rice irrigation, compared with the individualism of ancient Greek herding, maritime mercantilism, and money crops wine and olive oil (pp. 34-35).
  142. ^ This theory is discussed by Jensen 1998b (pp. 435-437), Lynn 1991b and Rushton 2000 in general and by both Wade 2006 and Steve Sailer with respect to Guns, Germs, and Steel. See Race and intelligence (Explanations)#Rushton's application of r-K theory. .. Voight et al. 2006 state generally that "a number of recent studies have detected more signals of adaptation in non-African populations than in Africans, and some of those studies have conjectured that non-Africans might have experienced greater pressures to adapt to new environments than Africans have" (Kayser et al. 2003, Akey et al. 2004, Storz et al. 2004, Stajich and Hahn 2005, Carlson et al. 2005).
  143. ^ {http://www.gifted.uconn.edu/siegle/research/Correlation/Intelligence.pdf Text of the APA consensus statement
  144. ^ How do you compare pages 28-29 ISBN 0399529519 based on Lapsley and Enright , ' The effect of social desirability, intelligence, and milieu on an American validation of the conservatism scale'
  145. ^ THE PORTRAYALS OF MINORITY CHARACTERS IN ENTERTAINING ANIMATED CHILDREN’S PROGRAMS
  146. ^ Media Portrayals of Major League Baseball Pitchers
  147. ^ Patricia J. Williams: "Racial Ventriloquism". The Nation. June 17, 1999. Retrieved June 11, 2006.
  148. ^ Entman, Robert M. and Andrew Rojecki The Black Image in the White Mind: Media and Race in America. 2001
  149. ^ America's Mishandling of the Donovan McNabb-Rush Limbaugh Controversy
  150. ^ The Portrayal of Race, Ethnicity and Nationality in Televised International Athletic Events
  151. ^ Jackson Assails Press On Portrayal of Blacks (NYT)
  152. ^ Spike Lee discusses racial stereotypes
  153. ^ Darwin's Athletes: how sport has damaged Black America and preserved the myth of race By John Milton Hoberman ISBN 0395822920
  154. ^ "White Men Can't Jump": Evidence for the Perceptual Confirmation of Racial Stereotypes Following a Basketball Game Jeff Stone, ‌W. Perry, ‌John M. Darley. Basic and Applied Social Psychology 1997, Vol. 19, No. 3, Pages 291-306
  155. ^ The Ball Curve: Calculated Racism and the Stereotype of African American Men Ronald E. Hall Journal of Black Studies, Vol. 32, No. 1 (Sep., 2001), pp. 104-119
  156. ^ Katz/Braly(1933), Karlins, Coffman, & Walters, 1969; Maykovich, 1972
  157. ^ Leo W. Jeffres, K. Kyoon Hur (1979) White Ethnics and their Media Images Journal of Communication 29 (1), 116–122.
  158. ^ "A staple of American humor about the UK is the population's bad teeth."
  159. ^ "Why Villains in Movies Have English Accents". January 15, 2003
  160. ^ Deconstructing Whiteness: Irish Women in Britain Mary J. Hickman, Bronwen Walter Feminist Review, No. 50, The Irish Issue: The British Question (Summer, 1995), pp. 5-19 doi:10.2307/1395487
  161. ^ Kerry Soper, "Performing 'Jiggs': Irish Caricature and Comedic Ambivalence toward Asøsimilation and the American Dream in George McManus's Bringing Up Father." Journal of the Gilded Age and Progressive Era 4.2 (2005): 72 pars. 30 Mar. 2007 online.
  162. ^ The Movies, Race, and Ethnicity: Jews
  163. ^ Not Crazy About Goy Crazy By Lynn Melnick
  164. ^ HEREDITY, ENVIRONMENT, AND RACE DIFFERENCES IN IQ: A Commentary on Rushton and Jensen (2005) Richard E. Nisbett Psychology, Public Policy, and Law June 2005 Vol. 11, No. 2, 302-310
  165. ^ Fog Watch: The New Racist Onslaught
  166. ^ Social Darwinism, scientific racism, and the metaphysics of race Journal of Negro Education, The, Summer 1995 by Dennis, Rutledge M
  167. ^ Thin Ice: Stereotype Threat and Black College Students by Claude M. Steele
  168. ^ Sackett et al. 2004: "One [issue raised by readers of this article] is that misinterpretation of research is regrettably all too common and thus that documenting misinterpretations in one single domain is of limited interest. Our response is that we are singling out this domain because the issue at stake is of such importance and because the interpretive errors are so rampant and so systematic" (p. 11).
  169. ^ Other researchers have extended these results to other groups (e.g., gender, age) (p. 11).
  170. ^ pp. 10-11.
  171. ^ "We can only speculate as to causes of the mischaracterization of the Steele and Aronson (1995) findings in these various media. . . A factor contributing to not noticing the adjustment may be the appeal of the misinterpreted findings (i.e., the conclusion that eliminating stereotype threat eliminates African American–White differences). Finding mechanisms to reduce or eliminate subgroup differences is an outcome that we believe would be virtually universally welcomed. Thus, research findings that can be interpreted as contributing to that outcome may be more readily accepted with less critical scrutiny" (p. 11).
  172. ^ Snyderman and Rothman 1987.
  173. ^ (1995) [4]
  174. ^ (American Psychologist, January 1997)
  175. ^ Murray lists race differences in brain size, along with "IQ in sub-Saharan Africa, the results of transracial adoption studies, the correlation of the black-white difference with the g-loadedness of tests, regression to racial means across the range of IQ, or other relevant data" among the arguments omitted from the task force report.[5]
  176. ^ The authors of the report agreed that IQ scores have high predictive validity for individual differences in school achievement. They confirmed the predictive validity of IQ for adult occupational status, even when variables such as education and family background have been statistically controlled. They agree that individual differences in intelligence are substantially influenced by genetics (75% in adults). Consistent with Herrnstein and Murray's findings, they state there is little evidence to show that childhood diet influences intelligence except in cases of severe malnutrition.
  177. ^ "In a field where so many issues are unresolved and so many questions unanswered, the confident tone that has characterized most of the debate on these topics is clearly out of place. The study of intelligence does not need politicized assertions and recriminations; it needs self-restraint, reflection, and a great deal more research. The questions that remain are socially as well as scientifically important. There is no reason to think them unanswerable, but finding the answers will require a shared and sustained effort as well as the commitment of substantial scientific resources. Just such a commitment is what we strongly recommend."
  178. ^ Pinker 2006, Rowe 2005, Stock 2002 pp. 44-47.
  179. ^ Richard Herrnstein and Charles Murray, "Race, genes and I.Q.—an apologia: the case for conservative multiculturalism," The New Republic 211, no. 11 (October 1994): 27.
  180. ^ http://www.lrainc.com/swtaboo/taboos/apa_01.html
  181. ^ e.g., Sternberg, 2003, pp. 386-387
  182. ^ e.g., Sternberg, 2003, pp. 386-387
  183. ^ Hunt & Carlson, in press
  184. ^ http://www.vdare.com/rushton/061207_iq.htm
  185. ^ Frank, Reanne, The Misuse of Biology in Demographic Research on Racial/Ethnic Differences: A Reply to van den Oord and Rowe, Demography - Volume 38, Number 4, November 2001, pp. 563-567
  186. ^ Tatum, Beverly Daniel (1997). Why are all the black kids sitting together in the cafeteria? And other conversations about race. New York: BasicBooks. ISBN 9780465091270.
  187. ^ http://www.charlesdarwinresearch.org/PRSL2007.pdf
  188. ^ Sternberg, R. J., Nokes, C., Geissler, P. W., Prince, R., Okatcha, F., Bundy, D. A. & Grigorenko, E. L. 2001 The relationship between academic and practical intelligence: a case study in Kenya. Intelligence 29, 401–418.
  189. ^ Construct validity of Raven’s Advanced Progressive Matrices for African and non-African engineering students in South Africa.
  190. ^ Salgado, J. F., Anderson, N., Moscoso, S., Bertua, C. & Fruyt, F. D. 2003 International validity generalization of GMA and cognitive abilities: a European community meta-analysis. Pers. Psychol. 56, 573–605.
  191. ^ Hawkes, N. (2007) 'Is there any truth in the claim that black people are less intelligent than whites?' The Times (Accessed Saturday October 20th 2007)
  192. ^ Achieving Equitable Education in Calhoun County
  193. ^ Educational Studies: A Jrnl of the American Educ. Studies Assoc.
  194. ^ For example, the policy recommendations of The Bell Curve were denounced by many.[citation needed] Herrnstein and Murray 1994 wrote: "We can imagine no recommendation for using the government to manipulate fertility that does not have dangers. But this highlights the problem: The United States already has policies that inadvertently social-engineer who has babies, and it is encouraging the wrong women. If the United States did as much to encourage high-IQ women to have babies as it now does to encourage low-IQ women, it would rightly be described as engaging in aggressive manipulation of fertility. The technically precise description of America's fertility policy is that it subsidizes births among poor women, who are also disproportionately at the low end of the intelligence distribution. We urge generally that these policies, represented by the extensive network of cash and services for low-income women who have babies, be ended. (p. 548)" Two year later the 1996 U.S. welfare reform substantially cut these programs. In a discussion of the future political outcomes of an intellectually stratified society, they stated that they: "fear that a new kind of conservatism is becoming the dominant ideology of the affluent - not in the social tradition of an Edmund Burke or in the economic tradition of an Adam Smith but ’conservatism’ along Latin American lines, where to be conservative has often meant doing whatever is necessary to preserve the mansions on the hills from the menace of the slums below. (p. 518)"Moreover, they fear that an increasing welfare will create a "custodial state": "a high-tech and more lavish version of the Indian reservation of some substantial minority of the nation’s population. They also predict increasing totalitarianism: It is difficult to imagine the United States preserving its heritage of individualism, equal rights before the law, free people running their own lives, once it is accepted that a significant part of the population must be made permanent wards of the states. (p. 526)"
  195. ^ Gottfredson 2005b
  196. ^ The Tangled Wing Biological Constraints on the Human Spirit by Melvin Konner, 2nd edition, p. 428
  197. ^ Gregory Stock argues "current debates about whether some of the differences among ethnic and racial groups are cultural or biological will soon become irrelevant, given the coming [malleability of biological traits]" (Stock 2002, p. 194; race and intelligence discussed on pp. 44-47).

References

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